Add to Want to watch this again later. Greek military junta of 1. The dictatorship ended on 2. July 1. 97. 4 under the pressure of the Turkish invasion of Cyprus establishing the Third Hellenic Republic. Background. After the liberation in 1. Greece descended into a civil war, fought between the communist forces and the now- returned government- in- exile. American influence in Greece. On the header the word Greece (. ![]() Learn more about the cast and crew from DO YOU BELIEVE. Home Buy About Synopsis Cast & Crew Vids/Pics Downloads Resources Church Kit & Small Groups Church Invite Tools All Other Resources Partners Endorsements. Cast completo I due colonnelli (1962) A complete fracture may be a: closed fracture: a fracture that doesn't break the skin open. Although most broken bones simply need a cast to heal, other more serious fractures (such as compound fractures) might require surgery to be properly aligned and to. Meet the cast and learn more about the stars of of Desperate Housewives with exclusive news, photos, videos and more at TVGuide.com TV Guide Sign In / Up What's On TV Listings Trending Tonight New Tonight What to Stream Full Episodes Winter TV. The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) was outlawed, and many Communists either fled the country or faced persecution. This included notable CIA officers Gust Avrakotos and Clair George. Avrakotos maintained a close relationship with the colonels who would figure in the later coup. Greece in particular was seen as being at risk, having experienced a communist insurgency. In particular, the newly founded Hellenic National Intelligence Service (EYP) and the Mountain Raiding Companies (LOK) maintained a very close liaison with their American counterparts. In addition to preparing for a Soviet invasion, they agreed to guard against a left- wing coup. The LOK in particular were integrated into the European stay- behind network. In a bid to gain more control over the country's government than his limited constitutional powers allowed, the young and inexperienced King Constantine II clashed with liberal reformers, dismissing Papandreou in 1. There were many indications that Papandreou's Centre Union would emerge as the largest party, but would not be able to form a single- party government and would be forced into an alliance with the United Democratic Left, which was suspected by conservatives of being a proxy for the banned KKE. This possibility was used as a pretext for the coup. A . One such politician, George Rallis, proposed that, in case of such an . According to Rallis, Constantine was receptive to the idea. According to Robert Keely and John Owens, American diplomats present in Athens at the time, Constantine asked U. S. Ambassador William Phillips Talbot what the American attitude would be to an extra- parliamentary solution to the problem. To this the embassy responded negatively in principle . However, the proclamations of Andreas Papandreou made them nervous, and they resolved to re- examine their decision after seeing the results of the elections. According to uncorroborated claims made by the former monarch, Karamanlis replied to Bitsios that he would only return if the King imposed martial law, as was his constitutional prerogative. Sulzberger, Karamanlis flew to New York City to meet with USAF General Lauris Norstad to lobby for a conservative coup that would establish himself as Greece's leader; Sulzberger alleges that Norstad declined to involve himself in such affairs. When, in 1. 99. 7, the former King reiterated Sulzberger's allegations, Karamanlis stated that he . Pattakos was the commander of the Armour Training Centre (Greek: . At the same time, a large number of small mobile units were dispatched to arrest leading politicians, authority figures, and ordinary citizens suspected of left- wing sympathies, according to lists prepared in advance. One of the first to be arrested was Lieutenant General Grigorios Spandidakis, Commander- in- Chief of the Greek Army. The colonels persuaded Spandidakis to join them, having him activate a previously- drafted action plan to move the coup forward. Under the command of paratrooper Lieutenant Colonel Kostas Aslanides, the LOK took over the Greek Defence Ministry while Pattakos gained control of communication centers, the parliament, the royal palace, and . All leading politicians, including acting Prime Minister Panagiotis Kanellopoulos, had been arrested and were held incommunicado by the conspirators. EET, Papadopoulos announced that eleven articles of the Greek constitution were suspended. Ioannis Ladas, then the director of ESA, recounted in a later interview that, . Andreas was arrested at around the same time, after seven soldiers armed with fixed bayonets and a machine gun forcibly entered his home. Andreas Papandreou escaped to the roof of his house, but surrendered after one of the soldiers held a gun to the head of his then- fourteen- year- old son George Papandreou. Papadopoulos as well as the other junta members are known in Greece by the term . The King wrangled with the colonels and initially dismissed them, ordering them to return with Spandidakis. Later in the day he took it upon himself to go to the Ministry of National Defence, located north of Athens city centre, where all the coup leaders were gathered. The King had a discussion with Kanellopoulos, who was detained there, and with leading generals. This was a pointless exercise, since Kanellopoulos was a prisoner whilst the generals had no real power, as was evident from the shouting of lower and middle- ranking officers, refusing to obey orders and clamouring for a new government under Spandidakis. He has since claimed that he was trying to gain time to organise a counter- coup and oust the Junta. He did organise such a counter- coup; however, the fact that the new government had a legal sanction, in that it had been appointed by the legitimate head of state, played an important role in the coup's success. The King was later to regret his decision bitterly. For many Greeks, it served to identify him indelibly with the coup and certainly played an important role in the final decision to abolish the monarchy, sanctioned by the 1. The only concession the King could achieve was to appoint a civilian as prime minister, rather than Spandidakis. Konstantinos Kollias, a former Attorney General of the Areios Pagos (supreme court), was chosen. He was a well- known royalist and had even been disciplined under the Papandreou government for meddling in the investigation on the murder of MP Gregoris Lambrakis. Kollias was little more than a figurehead and real power rested with the army, and especially Papadopoulos, who emerged as the coup's strong man and became Minister to the Presidency of the Government. Other coup members occupied key posts. Up until then constitutional legitimacy had been preserved, since under the then Greek Constitution the King could appoint whomever he wanted as prime minister, as long as Parliament endorsed the appointment with a vote of confidence or a general election was called. It was this government, sworn- in during the early evening hours of 2. April, that formalised the coup. Since traditionally such Constituent Acts did not need to be signed by the Crown, the King never signed it, permitting him to claim, years later, that he had never signed any document instituting the junta. Critics claim that Constantine II did nothing to prevent the government (and especially his chosen prime minister, Kollias) from legally instituting the authoritarian government to come. This same government published and enforced a decree, already proclaimed on radio as the coup was in progress, instituting military law. Constantine claimed he never signed that decree either. The King's counter- coup. The colonels were not willing to share power, whereas the young king, like his father before him, was used to playing an active role in politics and would never consent to being a mere figurehead, especially in a military administration. Although the colonels' strong anti- communist, pro- NATO, and pro- Western views appealed to the United States, President. Lyndon B. Constantine took that as an encouragement to organize a counter- coup, although no direct help or involvement of the U. S. Since Athens was militarily in the hands of the colonels, Constantine decided to fly to the small northern city of Kavala, where he hoped to be among troops loyal only to him. The vague plan that Constantine and his advisors had conceived was to form a unit that would invade and take control over Thessaloniki, where an alternative administration would be installed. Constantine hoped that international recognition and internal pressure between the two governments would force the junta to resign, leaving the field clear for him to return triumphant to Athens. In the early morning hours of 1. December, the King boarded the royal plane, together with Queen Anne- Marie, their two baby children Princess Alexia and Crown Prince Pavlos, his mother Frederika, and his sister, Princess Irene. Constantine also took with him Prime Minister Kollias. At first, things seemed to be going according to plan. Constantine was well received in Kavala, which was under the command of a general loyal to him. The Hellenic Air Force and Navy, both strongly royalist and not involved in the junta, immediately declared for him and mobilised. Another of Constantine's generals effectively cut all communication between Athens and northern Greece. However, Constantine's plans were overly bureaucratic, na. Further, Constantine was obsessive about avoiding . Instead of attempting to drum up the widest popular support, hoping for spontaneous pro- democracy risings in most towns, Constantine preferred to let his generals put together the necessary force for advancing on Thessaloniki in strict compliance with military bureaucracy. The junta, not at all shaken by the loss of their figurehead premier, ridiculed Constantine by announcing that he was hiding . Realising that the counter- coup had failed, Constantine fled Greece on board the royal plane, taking his family and the helpless Kollias with him. They landed in Rome early in the morning of 1. December. Constantine remained in exile all through the rest of military rule. Even though he would return to Greece, the country's abolition of the monarchy in 1. King. The Regency. This did not concern the military junta. Instead the Revolutionary Council, composed of Pattakos, Papadopoulos, and Makarezos, appointed another member to the military administration, Major General Georgios Zoitakis, as Regent. Zoitakis then appointed Papadopoulos as prime minister. Mom Cast: Anna Faris. Anna Faris is perhaps best- known for her comedic roles in the “Scary Movie” film franchise. Most recently, she starred opposite Sasha Baron Cohen in “The Dictator” and in “What’s Your Number,” a romantic comedy that she executive produced. Faris produced and starred in the hit film “The House Bunny,” in the leading role of “Shelley Darlington.” The project was hatched from an original idea by Faris and she collaborated with the writers of “Legally Blonde” on the script. Faris also co- starred in the Academy Award- nominated film “Lost in Translation.” Faris’ additional feature films include “I Give It A Year,” “Observe & Report,” “Brokeback Mountain,” “Smiley Face,” “Yogi Bear,” “Cloudy With A Chance Of Meatballs,” “Alvin & The Chipmunks: The Squeakquel,” “Take Me Home Tonight,” “Mama’s Boy,” “Just Friends,” “Waiting,” “Frequently Asked Questions About Time Travel” and “Scary Movie,” “Scary Movie 2,” “Scary Movie 3” and “Scary Movie 4.” Next, she will star in “Cloudy with a Chance of Meatballs 2,” where she will reprise her animated role as “Sam Sparks” from the original. On television, Faris has had recurring roles on “Entourage” portraying herself, and on the final season of “Friends,” playing the surrogate for Monica and Chandler’s twins. Faris started acting in theater at a young age. Originally from Seattle, Faris lives in Los Angeles. Her birth date is Nov.
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